[NewPacifica] Re: Ambush how? What is a debate? "You decide."



This transcript of the show under discussion is now featured on Amy's 
website.  

Ya gotta love that headline too...."Scholar Norman Finkelstein Calls 
Professor Alan Dershowitz's New Book On Israel a "Hoax."  

I suspect we'll be seeing it duplicated throughout the years on right-
wing blogs, commerical media and liberal-bashing websites.....all 
because Alan quoted Mark Twain from a source that Finkelstein made 
his minor claim to fame over bashing.  This petty debate was 
obviously a personal grudge match, unfairly stacked to give the 
advantage towards "scholar Finkelstein" over "professor Hershowitz."  

This was not, as some might have hoped for, an intelligent debate 
over the ideas presented in the book.  This was just a small time 
street fight.  So this is what our listeners are financing now, a 
boxing match with Alan Dershowitz?  We've come a long way, Pacifica.

http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=03/09/24/1730205

NL
=====================================
September 24, 2003
RUSHED TRANSCRIPT

Scholar Norman Finkelstein Calls Professor Alan Dershowitz's New Book 
On Israel a "Hoax"

 
AMY GOODMAN:
Why don't we start with you laying out the thesis of your latest 
book, The Case for Israel.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
I wanted to write a progressive liberal case for the two-state 
solution, which I think that most Israelis favor and have favored for 
a long time. I dedicate the book to professor Aaron Barak, the 
president of the Israeli Supreme Court and for a reason.  Because I 
argue in the book that no country in history faced with comparable 
threats both external and internal has ever tried to hard to comply 
with the rule of law.  I compare Israel favorably to the United 
States.  In this regard: its court intervened actively in support of 
Palestinian rights.  Even during fighting in war time during the 
Jenin events the Israeli courts enjoined the Israeli military from 
engaging in certain actions which in its view violated the rule of 
law, The Israeli Supreme Court had banned the kind of rough 
interrogation techniques that are now being employed by the United 
Nations in Guantanamo Bay.  Israel is the only country in modern 
history that has never deliberately and explicitly retaliated against 
those who attack its civilian targets.  For example, during the Six 
Day war in 1973 war, the 1948 war, it's own residential areas were 
bombed by Egypt, Syria, Jordan, 1600 shells lobbed into west 
Jerusalem.  Israel never bombed Aman, Damascus or Cairo, they have of 
course bombed areas of Beirut in the process have killed innocent 
civilians. That is deliberately targeting civilians and going after 
the way the United States did in Iraq, which I am very critical, but 
nonetheless with the United States did going after military targets, 
knowing that they're going to kill civilians in the process.  And so 
myself, I oppose the settlements, always opposed the settlement since 
1967 I opposed the occupation.  I think Israel made in my view a 
terrible view in my view what it should have done is made border 
adjustments pursuant to U.N. resolution 242 which I actually 
consulted with justice Goldburg, he was the ambassador to the U.N. 
was involved in the process of that 242 resolution, which presupposed 
some territorial adjustments.  The problem is Israel should never 
have occupied people.  Land is different from people.  And today I 
think unilaterally what it ought to do eventually is if it can't kind 
the peace partner to make some unilateral changes, small ones.  End 
the settlements, in fact my peace proposal is that Israel ought to 
have schedule for ending settlements.  That is a schedule for saying 
on so and so date the settlement ends conditioned on best efforts by 
the Palestinians to end terrorism.  That would create incentive to 
ending terrorist acts.  By the way you never condition anything on 
the end of terrorism, that gives terrorists a veto.  What you 
condition it is on making good faith efforts and if we can get Israel 
to end the settlements and occupation and Palestinian leadership to 
stop using terrorism as a tactic, I think finally something could 
have happened in 1917, two-state solution, in 1937 when the 
commission recommended noncontiguous Jewish homeland and Israelis 
accepted it and the Arabs rejected it.  In 1947 when the U.N. 
allocated that portion of Palestine that had majority of Jews in it 
to a Jewish state, and the portion of Palestine that had Palestinian 
majority in it to an Arab state, could have had a two state 
solution.  Could have had a two state solution in 2001 and 2000 when 
Barak and president Clinton offered to be sure noncontiguous state on 
90% of the west bank and capital and Jerusalem with the 35 billion 
dollar refugee package.  When Arafat responded by violence, came back 
to the table maybe we'll negotiate for more.  The two-state solution 
is inevitable.  It's going to happen.  The only question is how long 
it takes to happen.  My hope is that we can have a reasonable serious 
debate about the future; about the rights and wrongs I think the 
rights and wrongs on both sides.  But I'm nervous because I heard 
from my debating partner in the beginning what sounded like it was 
going to be simply an ad homonym attack on me as to whether I'm 
qualified to teach at Harvard.  I would hope we could elevate the 
discussion keep it on the merits.  I won't attack Mr. Finkelstein on 
his merits of his position; let people read his book and judge for 
themselves.  And if he would refrain from personal attacks on me, let 
people judge the book on the merits I think we can move the ball 
forward have a reasonable serious debate.  I think it would be 
interesting to know where we agree and disagree.  What facts we share 
in common, what facts we have different views on and whether they're 
empirical and could be subjected to reasonable resolution, where we 
have moral disagreements, I really think that in the end today you 
read the news about Israel is other good news.  There is a prisoner 
exchanges between Hezbollah and Israel which Israel would get back 
one person, civilian who was captured by Hezbollah in exchange for 
Israel giving back 400 or so prisoners.  There's movement forward.  
Let's not destroy that movement forward by getting involved in 
meaningless ad homonym discussion, let's see if we can elevate the 
debate see if we can really move forward to the two state solution 
that I think virtually everybody in the world today wants.
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Professor Alan Dershowitz author of The Case for Israel Norman 
Finkelstein, your response.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I appreciate Alan Dershowitz's seriousness at least in these 
remarks.  I have no intention whatsoever of getting involved in an ad 
homonym debate with Mr. Dershowitz.  I'm interesting in the facts.  I 
was asked to come in and discuss his new book.  I went home, 
purchased one copy, in fact I purchased two copies.  I read the book 
very carefully.  I did what someone serious does with a book.  I read 
the text, I went through the footnotes.  I went through it very 
carefully.  There's only one conclusion one can reach having read the 
book.  This is a scholarly judgment, not an ad homonym attack.  Mr. 
Dershowitz has concocted a fraud.  In fact Mr. Dershowitz has 
concocted a fraud which amazingly in large parts, he plagiarized from 
another fraud.  I found that pretty shocking, shocking coming from a 
Harvard professor.  I find it shocking coming from any professor.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
We have to cut off I just want to warn everybody here that although 
I'm not a litigious person when you make allegations . . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I'm proceeded to . . .
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
When you make allegations of plagiarism that's a . . . It has great 
legal implications.  And I can't obviously sit quietly by and . . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
You shouldn't. I agree.  Well that's Let's look at the evidence.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
. . . of plagiarism . . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Let's look at the evidence.  In the first two chapters of your book 
you extensively reproduce all of Joan Peters' pages in her book.  I 
read it carefully.  In 1984 . . .
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Show me one sentence.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I am going to show you I think I have . . .I made available the 
charts to you.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
You've shown me nothing.  Let's start with that.  That's a 
categorical lie.  What you're hearing now on radio is a claim that 
Mr. Finkelstein made available to me certain charts.  That is a lie.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Mr. Dershowitz, I think you had about five minutes' time I wasn't 
looking at the clock.  If we're going to have a civil debate you're 
going to have to remain . . .
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
It's not going to be about me let me be very clear about that.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I have no interest in you, Mr. Dershowitz.  None at all.  I'm 
interested in the scholarship, I'm interested in the facts, I'm 
interested in your book.  In 1984 one Joan Peters published a book 
called From Time Immemorial the book was universally recognized by 
serious scholars to be a fraud.  Without wanting to toot my own horn 
I'm widely recognized as the person who exposed the fraud.  I know 
that book inside out.  I read it at least four times, I went through 
all 1854 footnotes.  I started to read your book, Mr. Dershowitz, I 
then came to chapter one footnotes 10, footnote 11, footnote 12, 
footnote 13, footnote 14, footnote 15, footnote 16, all of the quotes 
are from Joan Peters.  They're so from Joan Peters that you have a 
long quote here from Mark Twain on pages 23 to 24.  I turned to Joan 
Peters page 159 to 60, identical quote from Twain with the ellipses 
in the . . .
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Is the Twain quote wrong? 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
. . . with the ellipses . . . let me finish sir.  They're in the same 
places.  The identical quote from Twain with the ellipses in the same 
places.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
It's been quoted, as you know.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Mr. Dershowitz I . . .
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
What's your point?
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Let me finish . . .
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
I would ask you a question.  Is it a direct quote? Is it an accurate 
quote of Twain?  Did Twain say . . .
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Professor Dershowitz the way we can have a civilized discussion here 
is that each person will get a chance to make their point and won't 
be cut off.  
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
You have a nearly full page quote from one William Young a British 
consul from May 1839.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Is it an accurate quote?
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I'm going to finish, sir.  On page 18 of your book.  I turn to Joan 
Peters page 184, the identical quote with the ellipses I'm holding it 
up for the camera perhaps they can see this is the length of the 
quote.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Is it an accurate quote?
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
It's in the identical place.  Last point.  I'm not going to go 
through chapter two where there are 29 plagiarisms from Joan Peters.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
To be very clear, it's not plagiarism to quote Mark Twain correctly.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Except that you cite Mark Twain not Joan Peters.  I'm a professor, 
sir.  I know what plagiarism is.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
And plagiarism is . . .  What is your definition of plagiarism?
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
We're not going to get involved dash in that now.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
You're using a word you're not going to tell us what you mean by it?  
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
The documentation, you know what we'll let everybody else decide for 
themselves because documentation one last example.  I want to make it 
very clear, in Joan Peters' book From Time Immemorial she coins a 
phrase.  The phrase is "turn speak".
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
She borrows it from . . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Sir, I'm sorry she coins the phrase, you see you don't know what 
you're talking about that's pretty terrible.  She coins the 
phrase, "turn speak," she says she's using it as a play off of George 
Orwell which is all listeners know used the phrase "news speak".  She 
coined her own phrase, "turn speak".  You go to Mr. Dershowitz's book 
he got so confused in his massive borrowings from Joan Peters that on 
two occasions I'll cite them for those who have a copy of the book, 
on page 57 and on page 153 he uses the phrase, quote, George Orwell's 
turn speak.  Turn speak is not Orwell, Mr. Dershowitz, you're the 
Felix Frankfurt chair at Harvard, you must know that Orwell would 
never use such a clunky phrase as turn speak.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
I like it.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Well, maybe you like it.  Evidently Joan Peters liked it.  But George 
Orwell never heard of it to the best of my knowledge.
 
AMY GOODMAN:
We have to break for stations to identify themselves.  60 seconds.  
When we come back professor Dershowitz can respond.  We're talking to 
professor Alan Dershowitz author of a new book it's called The Case 
for Israel and debate with Norman Finkelstein.  You're listening to 
Democracy Now!  Stay with us. [Music Break]

More music here from the late Frank Lowe as we continue our debate on 
Alan Dershowitz's new book called The Case for Israel.  Alan 
Dershowitz is professor of law at Harvard law school.  In discussion 
with Norman Finkelstein who teaches at De paul University in 
Chicago.  His book Image and Reality: Israel Palestinian Conflict and 
The Holocaust Industry professor Dershowitz your response to this 
very serious charge of plagiarism.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
It's a frivolous charge, of course.  What happened was this.  Of 
course I read the Peters book, anybody writing a book on the Middle 
East anybody would.  I also read The Myths and Facts a book put out 
originally by APAC then published separately and independently 
probably 30 or 40 other books which use the same quotes, they're very 
extensively used quotes by Mark Twain because Mark Twain traveled to 
Palestine, Mark Twain is a very prominent American writer.  What he 
saw in Palestine is very relevant to the debate.  He saw barren 
lands, didn't see a Palestinian community.  He saw empty roads and he 
writes extremely vividly and one scholar is entitled to read a book 
as I did, Peters' book and to find quotes in the book and check them 
against the original quotes.  And find them to be accurate and then 
do what I did, I don't know whether or not Mr. Finkelstein read 
footnote 31 that appears on page 246 which says, the research of 
French Cartographer Vital "Cuinct" relied on for the I may of 
mispronounced it.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
No, you misspelled it.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
See Joan Peters from Time Immemorial then Peters' conclusions and 
data have been challenged and then I quote from Said and Hutchins, I 
do not in any way rely on them in this book.  In other words, what I 
did, and it's very common for scholars to do that.  Is I read her 
books, I read Mr. Finkelstein's criticism of them I came away from 
enough doubt about the conclusions that although I don't regard the 
Peters' book in any way as a fraud, I think it was well intentioned 
effort to recreate and very difficult to recreate the very difficult 
to recreate events that existed in 1890 and 1900.  Did I find her 
quotes which have been as I said used extensively by Facts and Myths 
and other publications, to be quite compelling.  This book and none 
of my writing, I don't purport to be independent historian who goes 
back to the Middle East and reads original documents.  I am making a 
case. I'm doing what a lawyer would do and what lawyers do is they 
find sources, they check the sources, I had a research staff that 
obviously checked the sources.  I haven't heard a word from Mr. 
Finkelstein suggesting that the quote from Mark Twain is not an 
accurate quote.  If Peters had made up a quote that hadn't existed.  
Mark Twain had never written and then somebody borrowed the quote 
without going to check back on whether Mark Twain had said that, 
obviously that would be a serious charge.  I've done nothing like 
that.  The vast majority of my book deals with current situations.  
In fact I start my book by saying there has to be a statute of 
limitations on grievances.  I don't try to base the case for Israel 
on the fact that Jews lived in Palestine before the birth of Jesus or 
the fact that Jews were expelled from what is now Israel in 72 A.D. 
and I argue that Palestinians can't really make the case against the 
two-state solution based on historic claims that go back 100 years 
but first couple of chapters which are quite brief, I recount never 
purporting to be creative or original in the recounting, I recount 
what has been accepted as traditional history.  That includes the 
fact that the land particularly what is now what would be western 
Palestine, what was the part of Palestinian allocated to Israel in 
the 1947 division was land that before the Jews got there in the 
first aliyah in1880 in the beginning of the 20th century was land 
that was coming into disuse.  Now these are controversial, by the 
way, there are some Palestinians who say you shouldn't trust Mark 
Twain.  Some Palestinians say you shouldn't trust the various English 
travelers.  Reasonable people could disagree about that.  I quote 
those sources, I lay them out there for people to read so that they 
can evaluate the claims that Israel was established on the basis of 
colonialism.  I make the following argument which I'd love to hear 
Finkelstein rebut.  You can't be a colonialist country unless another 
country sent people there as soldiers to take over that country.  For 
example, France sent its settlers to Algeria.  England sent settlers 
to India.  Dutch and other countries sent their settlers to parts of 
Africa with guns to take over.  What did the Jews do during the first 
and second aliyah.  They escaped from countries that were persecuting 
them.  They escaped from Russia and Poland, Lithuania.  They didn't 
come at the request of those countries, if you claim people were 
colonialist you have to say on whose behalf they were working.  The 
Jews weren't working on behalf of Russia or Poland or Lithuania.  
They came as refugees.  Much like American Jews came as refugees to 
America.  The ones who went to Palestine went with rakes and hoes to 
try to build the land, to try to join collectively with the local 
population.  They did in fact improve the land as the result of work 
projects in western Palestine many Arabs from eastern Palestine moved 
there, I cite statistics, Peters cites the same statistics in fact 
showing that in various the fact that I can't remember the exact 
numbers, Jews moved there attracted 300 or 400, you may disagree with 
it.  But those are the data that I presented and we can reasonably 
disagree with that.  Now I just want to make one point about Mr. 
Finkelstein's research.  I don't want to get ad homonym I don't want 
to get into this debate.  But for example I do quote Mr. Finkelstein 
at one point I think only once in the book. That is he makes an 
argument in Edward Said's collection that to judge the 1947 partition 
the only fairway to do it is to look at either all of Palestine, 
which I don't know whether he needs to include what became Jordan, 
trans-Jordan or not or you have to look at what became of Israel 
after the 1948 war.  I disagree with that.  What I say respectfully 
in the book is that when you look at the fairness of the 1947 
petition, you only look at the land that was allocated to the state 
of Israel.  In that land Jews were clearly a majority according to 
the U.N. census to be sure once the Arab nations attacked Israel, 
once the Palestinians attacked Israel there was a war and Israel 
secured more land which was regularized by a crease fire in 1949.  
What Mr. Finkelstein does is he counts that land and says, look how 
much they got and look at the proportion of Jews and Palestinians 
that's not the correct demographic to look at.  So we can have 
reasonable . . .
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Let's get the response to that.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Stay away from the ad homonyms and get to the merit of the case.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Professor Dershowitz, I'm not a professor at Harvard but I do . . .
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
You seem to resent that a lot.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I do teach elsewhere.  And when we discuss issues like falsifying 
information, plagiarizing, lifting whole cloth from other books I've 
never heard that called ad homonym for a serious scholar and a 
serious academic, those are very fundamental issues.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
But when they're false . . . 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
If they're false then you dispute them.  To characterize them as ad 
homonym seems really out of court for a professor . . .
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
You said I don't deserve to teach at Harvard that sounds pretty . . .
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Professor Dershowitz let Norman make his case.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
You raise that issue then I'll address it then returning to the 
substantive issues of your book.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
First tell me why I shouldn't be teaching at Harvard.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
On page 207 of your book you say that to deliberately misinform, 
miseducate, and misdirect students is a particularly nasty form of 
educational malpractice.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Of which I accuse Noam Chomsky and others.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I consider what you have done in the book to be a paradigmatic 
example of misinforming, miseducating and misdirecting.  Allow me to 
finish.
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Let him make his point.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Allow me to finish Mr. Dershowitz I've with very respectful of your 
time.  On page 213 you discussed Holocaust fraud by Robert Faurisson 
and you write, quote, "There was no extensive historical research" 
referring to his book.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
That's right. 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
"Instead there was the fraudulent manufacturing of false anti 
history".
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
That's right.  And Chomsky wrote as you . . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Please don't bring in Mr. Chomsky.  He can defend himself.  We're 
talking about you and your book.  It was the kind of deception 
referring to Faurisson's book that let me quote clearly, "for which 
professors are rightly fired".
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
I stand by that. 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Not because their views are controversial, let me underline this 
again, but because they are violating the most basic canons of 
historical scholarship. 
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Let me respond to that.  You compare me to Faurisson . . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I didn't ask . . . 
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
You made up the story that the Holocaust . . . 

NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I'm referring to your standards.  I have no interested in Faurisson 
now I'm talking about your standards.  To miseducate, misinform and 
misdirect to violate the standards of historical scholarship are 
grounds for expulsion.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Absolutely.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
It's not an ad homonym argument it's using your standards.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
No, it's an ad homonym. . .
 
AMY GOODMAN:
I'm going to interrupt here because I want to get to some of the main 
points of your book.  Also we were intrigued on watching Scarborough 
Country when you debated Sam Husseini, the offer that you made just 
play it for a moment.
 

Play clip from Scarborough Country:
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Tell you what I will give $10,000 to the P.L.O. in your name if you 
can find historical fact in my book that you can prove to be false.  
I issue that challenge, I issue it to you, I issue it to the 
Palestinian Authority, I issue it to Noam Chomsky to Edward Said, 
every word in my book is accurate and you can't just simply say it's 
false without documenting it.  Tell me one thing in the book now that 
is false?
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Okay.  Let's go to the book.  The Case for Israel $10,000.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Let me tell you what he came up with this is really fascinating if 
you show the rest of the clip.  He came up he said on television, I 
saw a photograph or a videotape of Israeli soldiers aiming their guns 
at that, whatever 12-year-old boy who was caught in the cross fire 
and killed and I actually upped the offer to $25,000 if he could 
produce a photograph or if he could produce proof that he had seen 
that.  Why was I so confident?  Because German television did a very 
thorough study of that one particular incident.  Let's just spend one 
minute on that.  What happened is when that child was killed in his 
father's arms, the nation of Israel went into almost universal 
mourning, it was as if they were sitting Chiva on one of their own 
children.  A child had died it looked as if possibly Israeli soldier 
might have shot him.  When you contrast that to how Palestinians 
respond to a child dying in Israel from terrorism dancing in the 
streets, it's a very striking comparison.  Then German television did 
a study they found out that the Israeli soldiers were positioned in a 
way that it was physically impossible for the bullet from Israeli 
soldier to have hit that Palestinian child and it was virtually 
certain that the bullet had come from a Palestinian gun.  In my view 
that's not particularly relevant when a child is caught in cross fire 
it's a tragic death resulting from the crossfire.  Which bullet 
actually hit I am was not relevant.  But that was the answer that he 
came up with.
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Norman Finkelstein. 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Well, first of all I want to clarify the monetary issue.  Is it now 
$25,000?
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
$25,000 on that issue.  
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Just on that issue.  In general $10,000.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Let me be clear...
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
We just saw the tape.  I think it's clear.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
I made it very clear I said afterward a material willful 
distortion. . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I don't want afterwards.  Professor Dershowitz it's on tape.  We just 
saw it.
We're not talking about a spelling mistake.  We're not talking about 
a minor . . .
 
AMY GOODMAN:
All right.  Let's talk about . . . 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Serious material.  Let's start.  Number one, I'm going to first deal 
with just concrete facts which are not particularly controversial, 
which can easily be confirmed.  On page 80 of your book you write, 
according to Benny Morris between April and June. . .
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Benny Morris is an Israeli historian. 
  
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I have a copy of his book here, which I'll hold up.  2,000 to 3,000 
Palestinians were made refugees during the second stage of the 
flight.  Here is the book in front of you.  Page 256, can you read 
what the sentence says.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Let me read you what I say in my book, in some areas Arab . . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Please don't read the whole paragraph.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Let me put in the context.  Chomsky says that Morris does not believe 
that any Arab leaders told the Palestinians to leave.  I say, in some 
areas I quote from Morris," in some areas Arab commanders 
ordered . . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
I'm not disputing that.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
. . . to clear the ground for military purposes to prevent 
surrender.  More than half dozen villages, et cetera, were abandoned 
during these months as result of such orders.  Elsewhere in east 
Jerusalem in many villages around the country, the Arab commanders 
ordered women, old people and children to be sent away out of harm's 
way.  Indeed psychological preparation for the removal of the 
dependents had begin in 1947-48 when the Arab high command and Arab 
League periodically endorsed such a move in contemplating the future 
of Palestine."  And I say therefore, Chomsky is simply wrong when he 
says that there's no evidence, he says again in another point, nobody 
today believes that any of the refugees were told to leave.  And so I 
dispute that by quoting Morris himself.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
You seem to have an obsession with Mr. Chomsky but he's not here.  
I'm here.  Let's look at the next sentence. . . 
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Actually, I thought I was going to be debating Chomsky today. I was 
surprised . . . 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Let's be serious. 
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
I agree with you.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Read the next sentence. Morris estimates in your book I have right in 
front of me.  Next sentence.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
"Morris estimates that between 2,000 and 3,000 Arabs fled their homes 
during this phase of the Arab initiated fighting."
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Can you please read what Mr. Morris wrote?
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
You're talking about . . . 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Please read what he wrote?
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
If I have the whole book I will find for you if you want to take time.

NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Can you read the sentence?
 
AMY GOODMAN:
I'm looking at page 256 of Benny Morris book, Righteous Victims: A 
History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
He is referring to phase two now same one as you.  Go ahead. 
 
AMY GOODMAN:
"Altogether about 200,000 to 300,000 Arabs fled their homes".
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
There is a big difference between 2,000 and 3,000 and 200,000 and 
300,000.  You could check this many times, Mr. Dershowitz.  But you 
are really going to have to pay the $10,000.  I hope you allow me to 
earmark it for Jenin. I would like to give it to Jenin.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
We're talking about a variety of . . .
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
This is not the O.J. trial.  This is not the O.J. trial.  We're not 
going to play a game.
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Is your point... what you are saying Norm Finkelstein is that in Alan 
Dershowitz's book The case for Israel he says 2,000 to 3,000?
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
It's 200,000 to 300,000. 
 
AMY GOODMAN:
Your response to that?
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
I argue that 700,000 Arabs . . . 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Don't change the subject, Mr. Dershowitz. 
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
I'm not changing the subject.  

NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
We're talking about phase two.  April through June.  Please don't 
play this game.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Obviously, the phrase 2,000 to 3,000 Arabs refers either to a sub-
phase or is a typographical error.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
This is why lawyers have a bad reputation.  Because you are playing a 
game now. I've read the book twice.  In fact I've read the book six 
times because I've read Peters four times and yours twice that makes 
six times.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Did she make this point?
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:
Of course. 
 
AMY GOODMAN:
I'm going to interrupt a second because stations have to make their 
point which is they have to identify themselves.  We'll come back if 
you can stay with us for the show, we will continue this discussion 
our next guest will ask him to wait we'll do interview after the 
program I think this is too important.  We're talking to Alan 
Dershowitz his new book is called The Case for Israel he is debating 
Norm Finkelstein his books are the the Holocaust Industry and the 
Israel-Palestine Conflict. Stay with us. [MUSIC BREAK]
 
AMY GOODMAN::  I'm Amy Goodman and we're talking with Professor Alan 
Dershowitz his new book is called The Case for Israel. Mario Cuomo 
writes, "Alan Dershowitz detailed and penetrating analysis of the 
issues that fuel the continuing war in Israel should be read by 
everyone".

Norman Finkelstein's book The Holocaust Industry has a recommendation 
on the back by Raul Hilberg who is the leading Holocaust historian in 
this country. And he says, "when I read Finkelstein's book at the 
time of the appearance I was in the middle of my own investigations. 
I came to the conclusion he was on the right track I refer now to the 
part of the book that deals with the claims against Swiss banks." I'm 
jumping ahead. He says, "I am by no means the only one who in the 
coming months or years will totally agree with Finkelstein's 
breakthrough."
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ::  Let me focus on the 2,000 or 3,000. This is such 
an obvious point. What is the context I'm arguing. I'm arguing that 
lots and lots of Arabs in distinction to what Chomsky said were told 
to leave by their Arab commanders. Obviously it's in the interest of 
that argument to maximize the number who would leave. Only an idiot 
would deliberately minimize the number who'd leave 
 
AMY GOODMAN: Let's refrain from ad homonym attacks.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:: I'm talking about myself now. I would have been an 
idiot had I used 2,000 when actual number was 2 to 300. If you wanted 
to make an accusation you would say instead of saying 2 to 300. He 
said 4-500,000. Remember the argument, the argument I'm making is 
that lots of the Palestinian refugees left, left as the result of 
orders from their leaders during this period of time. So my incentive 
if we take Mr. Finkelstein would be to exaggerate the number. Now he 
accuses me of reducing the number by 100 fold. Obviously there are 
only two possible explanations.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: You asked me for factual errors.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Why would anyone make a factual error...
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:  I don't know.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:: That would hurt their position. It's the stupidest 
allegation.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Mr. Dershowitz with all due respect with all due 
respect I cannot understand for the life of me why someone with your 
reputation and with your accomplishments would cobble together a 
fraud. That to me is the most perplexing question.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:  Let me ask you a direct question.
 
AMY GOODMAN:  We only have ten minutes. We want to go to content.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Am I right or am I wrong that it would serve the 
interests of my argument to over state rather than to under state 
that figure?
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Mr. Dershowitz there is no argument there. There 
are no arguments in your book. Your book is a collection of fraud, 
falsification, plagiarism and nonsense. 
 
AMY GOODMAN:  We're going to close both microphones.
We're going to go through this in a civilized way over the next ten 
minutes. You have laid out a challenge professor Dershowitz on 
Scarborough country the program on MSNBC you said if anyone can find 
factual error in the book we're not talking spelling errors, that you 
will give $10,000. Sorry?
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: I'm prepared to do that.
 
AMY GOODMAN: Now I'm going to interrupt. This is a major challenge 
You put it out on television. Norman Finkelstein you have laid out 
one error.
Whoever is interest it served you did respond. You said 2 to 3,000 
quoting /citing Benny Morris, Israeli historian in fact he said two 
to 300,000 Arabs.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:  Let me make the point that I do make an argument
Here is the argument I make. I make the argument that the issue is a 
complex one of the refugees that in fact many of the refugees of the 
700,000. 
 
AMY GOODMAN: But, you're citing Benny Morris. He made a different 
point than you did.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: He made a point that strengthens my argument.
 
AMY GOODMAN:: But it's wrong in your book. Whether or not it 
strengthens.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Let me be very clear.
If you make- I do make an argument. My argument it's very serious, 
that many of the Palestinians were told to leave by the commanders. 
If in fact 200,000 were told to leave instead of 2,000, that 
strengthens my argument. That is argument that I make. If the book 
says 2,000 to 3,000 there were only two explanations. Either it is a 
typographical error or I have to check the book obviously, I was 
referring to a smaller phase. But it would be ridiculous for anybody 
to understate when the purpose would be to overstate.
 
AMY GOODMAN: Okay. Let's leave that and go to another point.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: What I'm going to do for the interest of time and 
trying to be respectful of Professor Dershowitz is I'll simply quote 
your statements in the book one after another slowly. You can simply 
stop me and say, I can prove that or I have the evidence. Okay? 
Simple. Page 206 you write, "Israel is the only country in the Middle 
East to have abolished any kind of torture in fact as well as in law."
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Absolutely.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   Let's start with that one. Israeli Center for 
Human Rights in the Occupied Territories has a website. I follow it 
quite closely. I went to the website and I checked under the heading 
for torture. I would ask again Amy Goodman rather than myself to 
simply read the first sentence for the latest issue of that and if 
she wants to continue down.
 
AMY GOODMAN:: It's called B'Tselem Israeli Information Center for 
Human Rights in Occupied Territories.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   Please keep in mind he said, Mr. Dershowitz 
said "in fact as well as in law".
 
AMY GOODMAN:: The first headline says, "torture. Interrogation by 
torture is absolutely prohibited by Israeli and international law. 
Despite this, Israeli security forces breached the prohibition and 
torture Palestinians during the interrogation."
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: I would disagree with that. We have a reasonable 
dispute about that. What Israel does and what Israel did until 1999 
was what the United States is now doing on Guantanamo Bay. That is 
they put people in uncomfortable "shabach" positions, they put hoods 
over their head, often foul smelling hoods, they play loud music, 
there's a cover story in the Atlantic Monthly this month which talks 
about rough interrogation techniques. It describes what the United 
States is doing and it says that Israel used to do that, some 
possibility it continues to do it. That's simply not the kind of 
torture that international law prohibits and in fact my point is, in 
Jordan torture is routine, in Egypt it's routine.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   Definitely.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: The Israeli Supreme Court already took an 
extraordinarily courageous decision in 1999, it's online, in which 
Justice Barak said that as democracy we must try terrorism with one 
hand tied behind our back but in the end we have the upper hand. 
Because we comply with the rule of law. Israel is to be commended for 
its attempt to regulate and control the torture of ticking bomb 
terrorists.
 
AMY GOODMAN: You stand by your statement that they do not torture, 
Norman Finkelstein.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: And that the Supreme Court has abolished it and if 
anyone were to engage in an act that gave the possibility of torture 
they would be in contempt of court
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Mr. Dershowitz.
 
AMY GOODMAN:You have six minutes. Less than six minutes to go.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Amnesty International, whom I know you think is 
an untrustworthy source, Human Rights Watch, B'Tselem they all reach 
the same conclusion.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:  and they're wrong.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Israel still continues to practice law.
You can say they're wrong but let's be clear. Sir, I'm not going to 
debate- 
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: What do you define as torture?
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: I'm not an an expert in the topic.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:  certainly not. Yet you're making accusation.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   I don't make the accusation, Mr. Dershowitz 
you're confusing things. I go to the mainstream respected human 
rights organizations and I look at what they say.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Let me talk about amnesty 
 
AMY GOODMAN:  You have a number of points here. We have five minutes 
to go.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: I need to respond
 
AMY GOODMAN:: You did respond. You have 30 seconds to respond.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Amnesty international- 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   I am quoting B'Tselem 
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: ...recently said that Aharon Barak should not 
receive an international prize because he doesn't believe in human 
rights.
He is one of the greatest advocated of human rights, they also-
 
AMY GOODMAN:  Alan Dershowitz let me ask you a question.
I'm going to interrupt because you're on another point. B'TSELEM, you 
just think it's wrong.  Norman Finkelstein, next point. We have four 
minutes to go.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Number two, you write on page 126 "there is no 
evidence that Israeli soldiers deliberately killed even a single 
civilian in Jenin."
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:  Absolutely.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Now, Mr. Dershowitz, I looked carefully at your 
book. You don't like Amnesty International.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: I'm a member and contributor to Amnesty 
International.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: and you don't particularly like B'TSELEM
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: If I were an Israeli I'd belong to B'TSELEM. So 
don't characterize my views, you don't know my views.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: I read your book. Or the book you purport to have 
written.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:Now you claim somebody else wrote it?
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   I hope so. For your sake I truly hope you did 
not write this book.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: I proudly wrote it.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: I think the honorable thing for you to do would 
be to say I didn't write the book, I had no time to read it. I'm 
sorry.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: I wrote every word of it.
 
AMY GOODMAN: Okay, you made the point about Jenin and whether or not 
the Israeli soldiers-
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Deliberately shot a civilian. 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Let's quote Human Rights Watch. They put out an 
extensive report on Jenin. Now, Human Rights Watch, you no where in 
the book mention, no where - Let's see what Human Rights Watch 
concludes, quote, "there's prime facie evidence that Israel 
committed, quote, war crimes in Jenin." Further, quote, "I want 
everyone to listen carefully, many of the civilian killings 
documented by Human Rights Watch are mounted to unlawful or willful 
killings by the IDF." Please listen to the words. Willful killings. 
And then 
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:I've listened to the words and I deal with this very 
directly in my book.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Then Human Rights Watch copiously documents 
multiple cases of willful killings by Israel. What did Mr. Dershowitz 
write? There's not a single case of-
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:  There's not a single case of- Not only in Jenin 
Let me tell you why I make my point. Because there is absolutely no 
incentive for the United States or Israel or for any other democracy 
ever willfully to kill an innocent civilian. Every time an innocent 
civilian is killed it hurts Israel, hurts it domestically and- 
 
Let me finish my point, every country engaged in urban guerilla 
warfare will inadvertently kill civilians. But the very idea that an 
Israeli soldier who are trained in the idea of the holiness of arms, 
who get better training about avoiding- 
 
AMY GOODMAN:  We have one minute.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Who are punished for... 
 
AMY GOODMAN: Let Norman Finkelstein respond, you are making the point 
that  in general you wouldn't think they would- 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   A very lovely bar mitzvah speech.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: That's a little ad homonym, I would think.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   Human Rights Watch wrote, quote, "among the 
civilian deaths were those of Kamal Zgheir" listen carefully "a 57-
year-old wheelchair bound man who was shot and run over by a tank on 
a major road outside the camp on April 10 even though he had a white 
flag attached to his wheelchair." That sounds pretty deliberate to 
me, Mr. Dershowitz.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: If it's true.
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: The whole world is lying only Joan Peters tells 
the truth.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: First of all, Joan Peters has never written about 
this issue. This issue is one where not only Israeli military but 
United States has investigated Jenin, the United Nations has 
investigated Jenin.
Some of the-
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   Did they make up that example? Let's get this 
clear. Did Human Rights Watch make up that example?
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: No, that was- 
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: Mr. Dershowitz this is disgraceful. You're 
shaming the institution.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:
Not a single one!
 
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:   Did Human Rights Watch make that up?
Did it make it up!
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Let me continue.
 
AMY GOODMAN:  On that note, we're wrapping up the program. Professor 
Dershowitz let me ask this question.
Did you investigate the human rights watch report?
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:  Of course I did. I read it. 
 
AMY GOODMAN: You found that to be incorrect.
 
ALAN DERSHOWITZ:  Not only that the United States government found 
that to be incorrect.
 
AMY GOODMAN:: On that note we have to wrap up the show.
Thank you both for being with us. Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel 
Norman Finkelstein, The Holocaust Industry. You decide. Our website 
www.democracynow.org. I'm Amy Goodman, thanks for joining us.
   


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