[NewPacifica] Bush stomps on Fourth Amendment



A cogent review of the legal & constitutional issues from Laurence Tribe.


           BOSTON GLOBE 

           Bush stomps on Fourth Amendment

           By Laurence H. Tribe  |  May 16, 2006

           THE ESCALATING controversy over the National Security Agency's
           data mining program illustrates yet again how the Bush 
administration's
           intrusions on personal privacy based on a post-9/11 mantra of 
''national
           security" directly threaten one of the enduring sources of that 
security:
           the Fourth Amendment ''right of the people to be secure in their 
persons
           houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and
           seizures."

           The Supreme Court held in 1967 that electronic eavesdropping is a
           ''search" within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment, recognizing 
that
           our system of free expression precludes treating each use of a 
telephone
           as an invitation to Big Brother to listen in. By 2001, the court had 
come
           to see how new technology could arm the government with information
           previously obtainable only through old-fashioned spying and could
           thereby convert mere observation -- for example, the heat patterns 
on a
           house's exterior walls -- to a ''search" requiring a warrant. To 
read the
           Constitution otherwise, the court reasoned, would leave us ''at the
           mercy of advancing technology" and erode the ''privacy against
           government that existed when the Fourth Amendment was adopted."
           This decision, emphasizing the privacy existing when the Bill of 
Rights
           was originally ratified in 1791, was no liberal holdover in 
conservative
           times. Its author was Justice Antonin Scalia. Justice Clarence Thomas
           joined the majority. Justice John Paul Stevens wrote the dissent. 
This
           issue should not divide liberals from conservatives, Democrats from
           Republicans.

           These two decisions greatly undermine the aberrant 1979 ruling on
           which defenders of the NSA program rely, in which a bare Supreme
           Court majority said it doubted that people have any ''expectation of
           privacy in the numbers they dial," since they ''must 'convey' [such]
           numbers to the telephone company," which in turn can share them with
           others for purposes like ''detecting fraud and preventing violations 
of
           law." Unconvincing then, those words surely ring hollow today, now
           that information technology has made feasible the NSA program whose
           cover was blown last week. That program profiles virtually every
           American's phone conversations, giving government instant access to
           detailed knowledge of the numbers, and thus indirectly the 
identities, of
           whomever we phone; when and for how long; and what other calls the
           person phoned has made or received. As Justice Stewart recognized in
           1979, a list of all numbers called ''easily could reveal . . . the 
most
           intimate details of a person's life."

           The Fourth Amendment's guarantee against unconstrained snooping
           by Big Brother -- made bigger by an onrush of information-trolling
           technology that few foresaw in 1979 -- is bipartisan. It is a 
guarantee
           that cannot tolerate the pretense that numbers called from a private
           phone, unlike the conversations themselves, are without ''content." 
That
           pretense is impossible to maintain now that the technology deployed 
by
           NSA enables the agency to build a web with those numbers that can
           ensnare individuals -- all individuals -- just as comprehensively and
           intimately as all-out eavesdropping.

           Even if one trusts the president's promise not to connect all the 
dots to
           the degree the technology permits, the act of collecting all those 
dots in 
           a form that permits their complete connection at his whim is a 
''search."
           And doing it to all Americans, not just those chatting with Al 
Qaeda, 
           and with no publicly reviewable safeguards to prevent abuse, is an
           ''unreasonable search" if those Fourth Amendment words have any
           meaning at all.

           The legal landscape, too, has changed decisively since the court's
           majority opined that Americans have no expectation of privacy in the
           numbers they call. Rejecting the accuracy of that description even
           decades ago, Congress, which was more vigorous then in its protection
           of privacy, enacted statutes reassuring us that our phone records 
would
           not be shared willy-nilly with government inquisitors without court
           orders. So it can no longer be said, if it ever could have been, 
that our
           ''expectations of privacy" about whom we call are groundless or that 
we
           ''consent" to reconstruction of our telephone profiles by using one 
of the
           phone companies that, unbeknownst to us, have agreed to share such
           information (although, we're told, not the content of every call) 
with
           NSA on demand.

           Privacy apart, this president's defiance of statutes by the dozens is
           constitutionally alarming. But the matter goes deeper still. Even if
           Congress were to repeal the laws securing telephone privacy, or if
           phone companies found loopholes to slip through when pressured by
           government, the Constitution's Fourth Amendment shield for ''the 
right
           of the people to be secure" from ''unreasonable searches" is a 
shield for
           all seasons, one that a lawless president, a spineless Congress, and 
a
           complacent majority of citizens -- who are conditioned to a 
government
           operating under a shroud of secrecy while individuals live out their 
lives
           in fishbowls -- cannot be permitted to destroy, for the rest of us 
and our
           children.

           Laurence H. Tribe is a professor of constitutional law at Harvard Law
           School and the Carl M. Loeb University Professor. 

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