[NewPacifica] Zimbabwe Update, June 27, 2008 on the ground with December ...




 
  
____________________________________
     
Omowale Clay is a leader of the December 12 Movement,  which stands for 
reparations and African liberation. He is also a WBAI  LSB member. He is 
currently 
in Zimbabwe  
 
 
 
 
 




ZIMBABWE UPDATE...JUNE 27TH,
on the  ground with the December 12th Movement... Please forward to  your 
contacts

Today, Zimbabweans went  to the polls at over 9,000 polling stations across 
the  country. The December 12th Movement, International Election  Observers 
traveled to variest constituencies to observe the  balloting. We found the 
people 
excited and proud to be  voting in an atmosphere of peace and security. The 
polling  stations close at 7PM, Zimbabwe time, and counting will  immediately 
follow with the reporting of results to  begin tomorrow. We had an opportunity 
to observe  President Mugabe and First Lady Grace Mugabe accompany his  
daughter to her polling place to vote in Harare Province.  The President was 
confident that the Zimbabwean people would  vote their interest in keeping 
Zimbabwe a 
free and  independent country. More on this tomorrow.

>From The  Herald, Harare, Zimbabwe....

Land has always been core  issue 

By Peter  Mavunga

BRITAIN had the right to intervene in  Rhodesia when, on November 11, 1965, 
Ian Smith defied the  Crown and declared UDI. But it did not because the rebel 
was  Ian Smith, a white man, and Harold Wilson, the then British  prime 
minister, could not bring himself to fight against his  kith and kin. 

These were Dr Davis Gaziâs words  on Wednesday night in a speech to an 
all-black audience in  London where he was promoting his book, "Zimbabwe: 
Racism  
and the Land Question". 

His words were relevant to  those in the audience, some of whom had come from 
outside  London to hear him speak. Britain and her allies are engaged  in a 
flurry of activity to justify such intervention in  Zimbabwe. 

So Dr Gaziâs grasp of history and his  willingness to share it was just the 
antidote to the daily  diet of BBC propaganda his audience needed.

Indeed, a  Jamaican young woman confided in me: "I am just fed up of  the 
BBC. I have come to hear an African perspective of the  story of Zimbabwe," she 
said before the meeting  started.

Dr Gazi pointed to "a funny irony of  history" that meant that the 
Conservative governments,  rather than Labour, had done more for Africans than 
Labour.  

He reminded his guests that it was Harold McMillan,  a Tory prime minister 
well remembered in Africa for his  "wind of change" speech, who had suggested 
buying land for  Africans in Kenya.

This was a Conservative, said Dr  Gazi, expressing disappointment in another 
paradox that the  Democrats in America â who were supposed to be closer to  
black people than the Republicans â had on the whole been  the slave owners and 
wanted slavery to continue as opposed  to the Republican factory owners who 
preferred "these  niggers" to work in their factories as free men.

He  said the only time Britain had the right to intervene in  Rhodesia was 
during UDI. 

Today, no amount of  posturing will justify Britain and her allies to 
intervene  in the affairs of an independent country. Yet morals or  ethics had 
never 
deterred Western countries from interfering  in the affairs of other sovereign 
states.

In 1960,  Patrice Lumumba, who had been elected by his own people, was  
removed from office by America, Belgium, Britain, France and  others. Here is 
an 
example of the intervention by those who  murdered Lumumba whereupon they went 
to defeat the notion of  democracy in order to further their own ends.

And  after they had murdered Lumumba, said Dr Gazi, they immersed  his body 
in sulphuric acid to dissolve it. They were not  going to tolerate seeing his 
grave turned into a shrine lest  it might foster unity among the Africans.

Since this  brutal intervention in the Congo by the West, more than five  
million people have died in the Congo. This is what  intervention by the West 
means in reality. It is concerned  with the violation of an African countryâs 
sovereignty; it  is about occupation; it is about murder and it is  brutal.

In 1971, Milton Obote went to the  Commonwealth conference in Singapore where 
he was going to  object to the British selling arms to the South African  
navy. In doing this, the then president of Uganda was  opposing the apartheid 
regime in South Africa. When he  returned home, his country had been taken over 
by Idi Amin,  who was supported by the British, the Americans and the  Israelis.

Dr Gazi went on to speak about farms and  farming in Zimbabwe. He inveighed 
against the idea often put  forward by those who confuse land and one-man 
one-vote.  

"Never did I hear my mother or father say we were  fighting for one-man 
one-vote," he said. "They said we went  to fight for our land, to get our land 
back." 

He  dismissed the notion often peddled by white supremacists  that white 
farmers were responsible for more agricultural  output in Zimbabwe. He also 
dismissed the idea that because  of white farmers, Zimbabwe had been "the 
breadbasket" of  Africa.

Dr Gazi, a scientist by training, said there  was no evidence suggesting that 
white expertise was  responsible for more agricultural output in Zimbabwe,  
particularly the production of staple food. What evidence  there was, pointed 
to black people doing  this.

Reflecting on life in Rhodesia where he grew  up, Dr Gazi recalled that from 
primary school, black  children were taught carpentry, agriculture and 
sometimes  metalwork. There was not one, not one, he repeated for  emphasis, 
school 
where white people went to learn  agriculture. He himself started learning 
agriculture when he  was 10. 

He dismissed the idea that whites were  responsible for feeding Africans as a 
myth. It was Africans  who had the agricultural know-how, pointing out 
examples of  Domboshawa, Chivero, Mlezu agricultural colleges and others  where 
Africans learnt agriculture. And there were many able  black farmers, said Dr 
Gazi.

On whether President  Mugabe had been in power "for too long", as is often 
said by  those advocating change, Dr Gazi said this depended on the  
Constitution of Zimbabwe. 

He pointed that President  Mugabe had been in office since 1980 while Hosni 
Mubarak of  Egypt had become president in 1981. While there was clamour  for 
President Mugabe to be removed from office, no one was  asking Mubarak to leave 
office.

He went on to say  that no one was saying President Mugabe was still in 
office  because he breached the Constitution of Zimbabwe. If that  was the 
case, 
this would mean he had been in office for too  long. But since he was in fact 
complying with the  Constitution, Dr Gazi urged his audience to reflect on the  
reason why there was pressure on President Mugabe and not on  Mubarak. He 
challenged his audience directly and asked them  why, if they were concerned 
about 
starvation in Zimbabwe,  they did not send a container load of food or 
medicines to  the poor. 

Dr Gazi was asked to comment on violence  reported in the media. He said he 
had no view on this until  he had the facts. 

He said he would not excuse  anybody who violated Africans. That included 
South Africa  where people were beaten up simply because they were  foreigners.

His view on this was that this was meant  to frighten Zimbabweans in South 
Africa so that they could  go back to Zimbabwe and vote or influence the 
outcome 
of the  election. He was driven to this conclusion because of the  timing of 
the violence. Why did it happen just as  preparations for the run-off got 
underway?

As regards  violence in Zimbabwe, he said he did not know who was  committing 
the violence against who. He said we had to find  out and urged his audience 
not to be misled by those who are  quick to blame the Government. He referred 
anecdotally to a  section in his own book in which he described how the MDC  
once claimed that one of its members had been murdered by  Zanu-PF when, on 
closer examination, it turned out it was a  member of Zanu-PF who had been 
murdered by the MDC. Reality  and what is reported donât always coincide, he  
said.

A South African woman in the audience asked Dr  Gazi whether he would comment 
critically on her former  president, Nelson Mandela, given what she saw as a 
man who  was being used by white society?

Dr Gazi would not be  drawn to do so, saying Mandela, who was apparently 
speaking  about "failure of leadership in Zimbabwe" as Dr Gazi was  delivering 
his 
own speech, was a black man. He said there  was a danger of concentrating our 
criticism against our own  people who have got it wrong when there were many 
white  people to criticise for doing untold damage to our own  people.

He went on to say he did not join those who  criticised Morgan Tsvangirai for 
being "so stupid" for the  simple reason that he (Tsvangirai) "is my brother" 
who, he  went on, "did have the right not to rule Zimbabwe", he said  to much 
laughter.

People here are confounded by  Tsvangiraiâs judgment following his decision 
to seek refuge  in the Dutch embassy rather than one of the African  missions. 
One man in the audience remarked, to the amusement  of the audience, that he 
had to run past the Nigerian  embassy to reach the Dutch embassy and our 
Nigerian brothers  are very upset about this!

The most heated exchange  came when Dr Gazi was challenged by a former member 
of Zipra  who complained that he did not get the land that he went to  fight 
for. He complained that the Government of Zimbabwe had  been discriminating 
against those in  Matabeleland.

That is when Dr Gazi came to life. He  said this was not his experience and 
he said this with  certainty "because I was there". 

He explained in  minute detail his own role in trying to persuade people in  
Matabeleland to accept land being offered to them by the  Government. He 
rejected the idea that land was being given  by Zanu-PF.

"I know because I took 60 forms myself  from the Ministry in Bulawayo, trying 
to persuade people to  take up land but only six were taken because people 
were  wrongly advised to reject it on the grounds that ângo kwe  Zanu konokoâ." 

Dr Gazi was applauded for holding his  own ground on this and for winning 
over his brothers who  later agreed that a discussion about the rights and 
wrongs 
 made by individual personalities like Robert Mugabe at this  stage was, in 
fact, a distraction from the real issue facing  us today.

The issue is that "we want our land and we  want to keep it", said Dr Gazi.

Road to victory: Key events  after March 29
By Stephen T.  Maimbodei

ALL registered voters are exercising  their democratic right today. But they 
are doing so against  the backdrop of an onslaught and siege against Zimbabwe 
and  President Mugabe in particular by the United States, Britain  and their 
allies. 

There is no denying that  George W. Bush in particular would want to 
"resolve" the  Zimbabwe issue by any means possible before leaving office  even 
if it 
means military action using the UN Security  Council to rubber-stamp his 
actions as they did before the  bombing of Iraq in 2003.

They are aided and abetted  by their stooge here, MDC-T leader Morgan 
Tsvangirai, whose  desperation at becoming Zimbabweâs next president will stop  
at 
nothing including making an absolute fool of himself as  he sinks to the lowest 
levels of African dignity through the  demeaning and embarrassing antics he 
has been exposing us  to: imaginary killers everywhere, and the best place to  
"hide" is the local Dutch embassy. He has also exposed how  the West has 
delegated their responsibilities in their war  against Zimbabwe. Now the Nordic 
countries are made to play  a visible role. However, the copy of what 
Tsvangirai 
does is  still authored by the British and Americans. 

He gave  President Mugabe an ultimatum after briefly leaving his  "hideout" 
at the Dutch embassy, for the international  community to intervene militarily 
by sending a peacekeeping  force that will maintain peace while preparations 
are made  for yet another presidential poll. 

The US and  Britain also feel that the time is ripe for a successful  illegal 
regime change since they have managed to rope in  some Africans who are now 
"speaking against" President  Mugabe. 

Their divide and rule tactics were apparent  as the US assistant secretary of 
state for African affairs  Jendayi Frazerâs shuttle diplomacy took her to a 
number of  African countries whom they believe could be instrumental in  the 
execution of their "mission impossible" stunt in  Zimbabwe.

Tanzania, Kenya, Botswana â would all like  to straighten you out. Theyâre 
not fooled. Youâre  outnumbered and outgunned by a ratio of about 50 to 1 â 
just  Google "news" and click the thousands of articles regarding  your boss 
Robert Mugabe and Zanu-PF. Only the state news  organisations agree with you â 
your credibility decreases  each day with this type of juvenile nonsense. It is 
my  sincere hope that our CIA meets your CIO. Guess whoâll be  left standing? 
Regards from USA." He trashes my opinion, but  has the audacity to write this 
message with veiled threats.  

This writer is proud to be Zimbabwean and a  pan-Africanist. This writer also 
takes pride in the  revolutions that Zimbabwe waged against settler 
colonialism,  and we have beaten the system. And this American who  threatens 
Zimbabwe 
with violence will realise that when the  Americans and British eventually 
decide on this course of  action, they will be moving in no manâs land. 

Iraq  and Afghanistan will look like a picnic. The Americans will  realise 
that the foolhardy approach of illegal regime change  will not stop the "100 
percent empowerment and total  inpdependence" policy programme. Ask John 
Simpson 
of the BBC  World Services.

After he used to clandestinely enter  Zimbabwe, this time he saw the light 
and admitted in his own  words to a renewed and transformed Robert Mugabe and  
Zanu-PF. His admissions came after he had trashed Zanu-PF a  few months ago, 
writing them off as he had done China after  the Tiananmen Square incident. 
Soon 
China will be the  biggest economy in the world. Professor Isheunesu  
Mupeperekiâs words of counsel "Takagarigwa pasi" still echo  with immense 
clarity and 
truth. In 2000, a fortnight after  the DRC leader Desiree Kabila, a faculty 
member in the War  and Strategic Studies Department at the University of  
Zimbabwe, claimed that he was present when the whole  14-member Sadc team made 
a 
resolution to intervene  militarily. 

However, when push came to shove, there  were only three countries that went 
into the DRC to save  Joseph Kabilaâs fledgling government. And the DRC has 
become  one of the many "sins" that President Mugabe has committed  against the 
West since they preferred the chaotic situation  which gave them during Mobutu 
Sese Sekoâs time unfettered  access to the DRCâs rich mineral and other 
resources, while  the owners gained nothing at all.

The academic-cum-  soldier cautioned that while people might believe that the 
 decisions that are usually announced at communiquÃs are  binding, they are, 
in fact, made at strange hours by phone  usually. Is this what the British and 
Americans are doing  regarding Zimbabwe?

Moeletsi Mbeki, head of the South  African Institute of Policy, seems to 
concur when he  describes the cracks in Sadc. He says that there are three  
groups: the pro-Mugabe; the anti-Mugabe and the  fence-sitters. Wednesdayâs 
summit 
on Zimbabwe in Swaziland  endorsed this when key members of the troika 
boycotted the  meeting. What impact will this action have on Sadc and the  AU 
after 
todayâs election? 

The divisions alluded to,  and todayâs vote will redesign and redefine the 
African  political and economic landscape, and Africa will never be  the same, 
including its relationship with the West.  

In addition, as pressure on Zimbabwe mounts, there  are now clear signs of 
who is in the driverâs seat, and the  evidence of the carrot and stick tactic 
being used on some  Sadc leaders, and an apparent conspiracy of not only 
wanting 
 to disregard Zimbabweâs rule of law regarding the run-off  elections, but 
also trying to impose a leader against the  wishes of the Zimbabwean people.

That violence and  intimidation are being used as reasons of not only crying  
foul against the Zimbabwean Government is a double standard  of the first 
degree. Both Zanu-PF and the MDC-T have claimed  that there are victims. Why 
then 
do MDC-T supporters seem  like they are the only victims, and so precious? 
Are they  saints when violence has been a hallmark of the MDC since  its 
formation. 

Individuals like Job Sikhala and  Trudy Stevenson are clear testimonies of 
the deeply  entrenched violent nature within the MDC-T. 

Zimbabwe  is also supposed to be the benchmark of how elections are  
conducted in the Sadc region. We have had elections in many  parts of Africa in 
the 
past eight years, but none of the  countries such as Zambia, Nigeria, Uganda, 
Kenya and Nigeria  got as much scrutiny as Zimbabwe and neither were they  
exposed to so much analysis as Zimbabwe. Neither was  vilified for carrying out 
elections that went against the  norms of democratic principles as Zimbabwe is 
doing. Some of  our neighbours who pass judgment on our democratic  principles 
and President Mugabeâs leadership do not hold  elections and pass on 
leaderships as if they are a  fiefdom.

Why was a peacekeeping force not sent to  Kenya? Why was it also not sent to 
Nigeria, Uganda and  Ethiopia where the levels of violence and intimidation 
were  equally high? 

All these countries produced disputed  elections whose leaders would not be 
legitimised anywhere.  But only Zimbabweâs Robert Mugabe has to go through this 
 rigorous and tortuous refereeing process because he dared to  stand up 
against the Philistines and their giant  Goliath.

As Zimbabweans go out to vote under the  shadow of doubt and uncertainty we 
publish below a  chronology of key events on the national, regional and  
internal scene that have impacted Zimbabweâs political and  socio-economic 
landscape 
since the March harmonised  elections.

It helps the readers to put into  perspective the visible presence of the 
third force and  other key players and the manner in which major stakeholders  
on 
the Zimbabwean political landscape played out both to the  people of Zimbabwe 
and those still playing to the gallery.  

This by no means is not an exhaustive list the past  few days since Friday 
when the MDC-T leader announced that  he was contemplating pulling out of the 
race, the tempo at  which the reactions from the so-called international  
community has been running at fever pitch.

l March  29: Zimbabweans vote in the historic harmonised  elections.

l April 2: MDC-T Tendai Biti announces the  MDC-Tâs version of presidential 
results giving Tsvangirai a  50,3 percent of the vote, and declaring him an 
outright  winner. Claims that they would participate in a re-run under  
protest. 
Soon after Tsvangirai and Biti go into self-imposed  exile in the region. 

l April 8: ZEC officials  arrested for tampering with poll results.

l April 12:  Sadc Extraordinary Summit called by President Mwanawasa held  in 
Lusaka. MDC-T leader and Simba Makoni attend summit as  observers.

l April 14: Document exposing alleged  MDC-T ballot bribery is published.

l April 15:  Mnangagwa says that Mwanawasa erred for unilaterally calling  
for the Extraordinary summit.

l April17: MDC-T leader  allegedly approached the British government over the 
 possibility of launching a military offensive to unseat the  government 
because efforts to depose President Mugabe from  within had failed a top secret 
MDC-T transitional document  Memorandum of Understanding reveals.

l April 21:  Government challenges anyone with information demonstrating  
that acts of State violence have characterised the  post-election period to 
furnish the police with details to  facilitate full investigations.

April 21: Sadc  rejects MDC-T calls to replace South African President Mbeki  
as mediator in the Zimbabwe issue and also resist attempts  by MDC-T and its 
European backers to discuss Zimbabweâs  elections at a regional summit on 
poverty in  Mauritius.

l April 23: China clears air on arms  shipment to Zimbabwe.

l April 24: "Arm Zimâs  opposition" â Wall Street Journal calls.

l April 27:  Zuma rebukes UKâs "extreme position" on Zimbabwe 

l  May 2: ZEC announces presidential results. No winner with an  absolute 
majority, automatically setting the stage for a  second election between 
President Mugabe and Tsvangirai. On  May 4, Zanu-PF says it was ready for 
run-off poll.

l  May 5: War veterans attacked, three farmers  arrested.

l May 12: South African President Mbeki say  solutions to Zimbabweâs 
challenges rest in the hands of  Zimbabweans with outsiders only coming to 
assist.

l  May 13: Anti-violence drive intensifies. Police dismantle  political bases 
in Masvingo.

l May 14: Zanu-PF  Politburo meets and condemns politically motivated  
violence.

May 14: Government summons US ambassador to  Zimbabwe and warns him over his 
involvement in the country's  domestic affairs.

l May 15: Church leaders, security  chiefs discuss political violence

l May 16: ZEC  announces run-off date: June 27

l May 17: "I am under  pressure": Mwanawasa speaks out; and Sadc says it wonâ
t dump  Zimbabwe.

l May 20: US ambassador to Zimbabwe McGee  orders Tsvangirai to return home 
from self imposed exile and  participate in run-off. 

l May 21: President Mugabe  says price hikes are a regime change tactic.

l May  23: Zanu-PF, MDC-T in frank talks on violence.

l May  24: Tsvangirai returns to Zimbabwe after spending six weeks  in 
self-imposed exile, after McGee had ordered him  back.

l May 25: Zanu-PF launches the presidential  rerun campaign.

l June 2: Tendai Biti arrested. Biti  had been on self-imposed exile for two 
months. 

June  2: UK government seeks to engage churches in Zimbabwe and  Britain to 
boost regime change agenda. 

June 2: US  government intensifies efforts to aid and abet regime agenda  by 
trying to have Sadc sideline President Thabo Mbeki as  official mediator in 
favour of current Sadc chairperson,  Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa. 

June 2: Despite  travel ban imposed by the EU and the US, and protests from  
certain Western quarters, President Mugabe travels to Rome,  the Italian 
capital to attend the UNFAO food summit, and  addresses the summit on June 3.

l June 3: President  Mugabe holds talks with UN Secretary General Ban 
Ki-Moon,  and tells him that Zimbabwe is alarmed by his statements on  Harare, 
which 
raised concerns of Western countries while  completely ignoring the fact that 
Zimbabwe is bleeding under  illegal sanctions imposed by Britain, the US, and 
their  allies.

l June 6: Government suspends operations of  all NGOs as a clampdown on 
incidences of civil society  meddling in the countryâs politics ahead of the 
June 
27  run-off poll. They are ordered to apply for new registration  permits.

l June 10: US announces it would give US$7  million for the June 27 poll. The 
US, had not been invited  to observe polls because of its meddling in Zimbabwe
âs  internal affairs and funding of the opposition said it would  spend the 
money helping "international observers". 

l  June 17: Ban on NGOs is lifted.

June 17: President  Mugabe meets UNâs assistant general for political affairs 
 Hail Menkerios who is on a tour of Sadc region and is in  Zimbabwe to assess 
the countryâs state of preparedness for  run-off poll.

l June 18: Tsvangirai calls for  intervention from Zimbabweâs regional 
neighbours.  

June 18: President Thabo Mbeki holds talks with  President Mugabe in Harare, 
evaluating progress made in  run-off poll. Also holds talks with Tsvangirai.

June  18: Former Mozambican President Joaqim Chissano takes a  swipe on the 
West over illegal sanctions on  Zimbabwe.

June 18: British premier Gordon Brownâs  divide and rule tactics are revealed 
when he lies in  parliament about the Zimbabwe situation saying that Jacob  
Zuma is South Africaâs president-elect, and that the ANC  would be sending 1000 
observers for the run-off.

l  June 19: Visiting Namibian Defense Forces Chief, Lieutenant-  General 
Martin Schalli assures Zimbabweans that it was not  in Africaâs interest to 
interfere in another countryâs  internal affairs, and that Namibia would 
continue to 
assist  Zimbabwe to resolve its problems through Sadc.

June  19: Tsvangirai tells the media of his intentions to withdraw  from 
presidential run-off poll. Cites escalating politically  motivated violence 
against his supporters, intimidation and  harassment by the Police. 

l June 20: Public  broadcaster Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings explains why it 
 could not flight MDC-T campaign advertisements pointing out  that they 
contained inappropriate language and  information.

l June 21: MDC-T wins a High court order  to allow them to hold rally in 
Harare on June 22. Rally is  marred by violence between MDC-T and Zanu-PF  
supporters.

l June 22: Tsvangirai announces to media  and election observers about his 
withdrawal from the poll.  

June 22: Cde Patrick Chinamasa challenges Tsvangirai  to put the withdrawal 
in writing.

l June 23:  Tsvangirai seeks "refuge" at the Dutch Embassy in Harare,  and 
Police Director General warns that Tsvangiraiâs actions  were a dirty political 
antic to stir international anger and  further damage the countryâs image. 

June 23: Justice  George Chiweshe, ZEC Chairperson confirms that Tsvangirai  
had not yet formally withdrawn from the race and that  elections would go on 
as scheduled.

June 23: A  non-binding statement by the UN Security Council in New York  
condemns "the campaign of violence against the political  opposition".

June 23: Sadc foreign ministers discuss  Zimbabwe situation in Luanda, 
Angola. 

June 23: UN  Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon says campaign of threats and  
intimidation, is against spirit of democracy. 

June  23: Zimbabweâs opposition withdrawal from the presidential  election 
run-off unconstitutional, the Zimbabwe electoral  body has said.

June 23: US ambassador James McGee  says Sadc must declare both the election 
and President  Mugabe's government illegitimate.

lJune 24: President  Mugabe tells supporters that Government was open to  
negotiation with anyone, but legal process has to be  logically concluded. 
Declares that the June 27 poll would go  on as enshrined in the constitution.

June 24: U.S.  Ambassador to Zimbabwe James McGee issues a veiled warning  
that if Government goes forward with its planned Friday  electoral run-off - in 
the absence of an opposition  candidate - the U.S. would view the resulting 
government as  illegitimate and take the "expected" steps.

June 24:  Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade and ANC leader Jacob  Zuma say 
the presidential run-off must be postponed as  Tsvangirai had withdrawn. Zuma 
says the run-off is no longer  a solution.

June 24: Zimbabweâs UN Ambassador  maintains the international community has 
been duped into  believing that there is lawlessness in Zimbabwe.

June  24: Britain, current president of the Security Council,  tries to use 
Belgium to halt run-off election and illegally  install Tsvangirai as 
president, but South Africa blocks the  attempts.

June 24: South Africaâs ruling ANC party  rejects foreign intervention in 
Zimbabwe, especially from  erstwhile colonisers.

June 24: Tsvangirai officially  withdraws from the June 27 presidential 
run-off. He also  called on world leaders to isolate President  Mugabe.

June 24: Constitutional law experts say that  Tsvangirai cannot pull out of 
race.

June 24:  President Mugabe says Zimbabwe will go ahead with the  run-off 
election and that no amount of pressure from Britain  and the US will stop the 
election. 

l June 25:  Tsvangirai briefly leaves sanctuary of Dutch embassy to do a  
press conference at his house where he gives an ultimatum to  President Mugabe. 
After addressing the brief press  conference, he returns to the embassy.

June 25:  Tsvangirai repeats his call for a new presidential  election.

June 25: A meeting of the Sadc Organ on  Politics, Defense and Security in 
Swaziland to ratchet up  pressure on Zimbabwe to call off todayâs election 
flops 
 after Angola, the chair, and South Africa the mediator  boycott summit.

June 25: United States presidential  hopeful, Barrack Obama adds his voice to 
international  condemnation of President Mugabe, declaring that his  "regime" 
in Zimbabwe "is illegitimate and lacks any  credibility" . 

June 25: UK Conservative party urges  military action against Zimbabwe, but 
Brown says military  action was not an option at the moment.

June 25: Sadc  election observers to remain in place for the run-off poll,  
despite the withdrawal announcement by Tsvangirai.

l  June 27: Zimbabweans vote in the run-off poll despite  Tsvangiraiâs 
withdrawal.

Letâs consign Morgan to the  dustbin

THE hour for which  our heroes and heroines sacrificed their lives is nigh, 
let  us honour their memory by defending their ideals.  

The peopleâs victory ushers in the dawn that  will eclipse the nights we 
endured over the past 11 years,  since the day the British reneged on their 
obligations to  fund the land reform programme, and in so doing  precipitating 
the 
bilateral dispute that has drawn in much  of the Western hemisphere.

This is why this fight has  never been between Morgan Tsvangirai and 
President Mugabe,  Zanu-PF and MDC-T, but between Zimbabwe and the Anglo-Saxon  
alliance led by Britain and the US. 

This is why  though today Tsvangirai is holed up in the Dutch embassy,  
claiming to be boycotting the election, we vote regardless  because the fight 
was 
never about him anyway.

He was  just imperialismâs catâs paw.

This is the election  that should deliver the death blow to the neo-colonial  
project and usher in the holistic independence we struggled  for since 1896 
when our forebears took up arms against the  settler brigands.

It is, thus, providential that on  the eve of this historic election, after 
having divested  ourselves of much of the colonial baggage we inherited in  
1980, the British High Priestess, Queen Elizabeth II,  stripped President 
Mugabe 
of the honorary knighthood she  conferred in 1994, accusing him of ââabuse of 
human rights  in Zimbabweââ as we report elsewhere in this  issue.

But we know better. We know the reason is  President Mugabeâs refusal to live 
up to the expectations of  the British, refusing to be their knight in 
shining armour  who safeguards their ill-gotten gains.

That is what  is expected of a knight of the British Empire, one has to  
dedicate oneâs life to serving the empire.

We salute  President Mugabe for doing the exact opposite, dedicating  his 
life to serve Zimbabwe, which is why he has drawn the  wrath of the British 
after 
taking land from their kith and  kin for onward distribution to landless 
black  Zimbabweans.

We can only say good riddance, because  the award was never solicited anyway, 
let alone ever  used.

At no point in his political life did President  Mugabe refer to himself as ââ
Sir Robertââ.

The man  deserving of that award today is Tsvangirai, a faithful  British 
servant. They can as well confer it on him as he  represents everything 
expected 
of a ââgoodââ  African.

Over the coming months, President Mugabe  leads the charge to the mines and 
factories to ensure that  we own everything down to our ants and reptiles, 
which is  why he ran his campaign under the theme: "100 percent  Empowerment, 
Total Independence" .

As such, the  stripping of the knighthood, which was meant to humiliate  him, 
has actually honoured him. 

The symbolism is not  lost to us.

What it means is Zimbabwe has been  divested of the last vestige of 
colonialism and President  Mugabe enters this decisive election a free man.

The  mantle is now on our shoulders to strip this country of  British puppet 
politics by consigning Tsvangirai to the  dustbin.

âKnighthood withdrawal on President a  blessingâ
Herald  Reporter

QUEEN Elizabethâs decision to  withdraw an honorary knighthood bestowed on 
President Mugabe  in 1994 is actually a blessing in disguise as it removes one  
of the last vestiges of colonial titles on an outstanding  African statesman 
and revolutionary, analysts said  yesterday. 

While the rabid western media ranted  and raved about the event because of 
their warped value  system, progressive Zimbabweans saw it as signifying the  
further decolonisation of Africa.

A social  commentator said Zimbabwe was independent and has its own  value 
systems that protect African humanism, integrity and  empowerment.

"The decolonisation process was a  rejection of British value systems and so 
as Zimbabweans we  simply see this as the removal of one of the last vestiges  
of colonialism. No one has ever referred to our President as  âSirâ Robert 
Mugabe. He is known as âComradeâ Robert Mugabe  and that says it all," he said.

The analyst said the  move should be seen as further proof of the British 
Empireâs  brazen interference in Zimbabweâs internal affairs, as if  the 
country 
is still their colony.

Observers said it  was shameful that the Queen still thinks the knighthood 
has  more meaning to Zimbabweans than the 100 percent black  empowerment 
programme that President Mugabe has embarked on.  

The Deputy Minister of Information and Publicity,  Cde Bright Matonga 
yesterday laughed off the development,  saying the continued existence of the 
knighthood had given  the British the mistaken impression that they still held  
some 
form of sway over the country.

"My President  never used that knighthood. It meant nothing to him and it  
means nothing to us as Zimbabweans and this is why it was  never talked about 
here. 

"Zimbabwe is not a part of  the British Empire and their titles and honoraria 
mean  nothing to us unless they promote the values and virtues of  our 
existence in the form on protection of our land rights  and our right to 
exploit our 
resources.

"My President  has nothing to benefit from being considered a subject of  the 
British Queen. It is something we rejected and that is  why Britain today is 
trying to meddle in our affairs. The  same goes for the honorary degrees that 
various Western  institutions gave him.

"Cde Mugabe is a very educated  man with seven degrees of his own that he 
earned through his  own sweat. You will not hear him talking about his honorary 
 
degrees and in fact, they can take them away along with the  knighthood," Cde 
Matonga said.

The withdrawal of the  knighthood comes at a time when Britain, America and 
their  allies have upped pressure to divide Sadc by clandestinely  engaging 
individual regional leaders to isolate Zimbabwe and  effect regime change.

The Americans, which fully  understand that the impasse between Harare and 
London is  strictly from the failure by London to honour Lancaster  House 
agreements over the land reform, has joined in the  fight disguised as a 
democracy 
lecturer yet it is looking  for soil to establish its military base for Africom 
in the  region.

"The whole American story is that of trying  to establish military base in 
Africa and President Mugabe is  a threat because he would certainly reject such 
a move. The  British story is a bilateral problem emanating from the  
historical colonial land issue.

"This knighthood is  meaningless to land hungry black Zimbabweans. It should 
also  assume the same meaningless form in the rest of Africa  because Africans 
do not survive on knighthood but on their  resources, such as land.

"Knighthood did not bring  independence to Zimbabwe and to Africa. It was the 
war waged  by comrades that brought independence to Zimbabwe and it is  the 
land revolution that makes sense to President Mugabeâs  supporters not 
knighthood.

"I am sure that given a  choice between knighthood on one side and his country
âs  independence, sovereignty and 100 percent empowerment any  reasonable 
Zimbabwean would never go for knighthood,ââ said  a social commentator. 

Social leader Bishop Trevor  Manhanga, the chairman of the Heads of Christian 
 Denominations in Zimbabwe, added to this saying the  knighthood had no value 
whatsoever to President Mugabe and  to Zimbabwe.

"It is totally of no significance. Of  what value is a British knighthood to 
a Zimbabwean? I donât  think the majority of Zimbabweans even know or care 
what  criteria is used to bestow these things," he  laughed.

Interestingly, on the same day that Queen  Elizabethâs decision was made 
public, the British monarch  was knighting Mr Salman Rushdie, an Indian-born 
writer who  for 10 years was wanted in his homeland for blasphemy after  
authoring 
the novel, The Satanic Verses.

In 1989, the  Supreme Leader of Islam Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini passed a  
death sentence on Mr Rushdie for desecrating the Moslem  faith and the writer 
has since lived in the UK under the  protection of British special agents.

Defend Zimâs sovereignty:  Nkomo
Herald  Reporter

ZIMBABWEANS should go in their  numbers to vote today as the right to vote 
and the  sovereignty they currently enjoy came through the liberation  struggle 
and cannot be subverted, Zanu-PF National Chairman  Cde John Nkomo has said.

In a statement televised  on Wednesday night, Cde Nkomo said no one could 
overturn the  sovereignty of the Zimbabwean people by dictating how and  when 
they should vote.

He said events of the past few  days had exposed the intimate links between 
the opposition  and Western political establishments. 

"Our statehood  and our nationhood are under severe threat. The question  
before each and every one of us is whether, advertently or  inadvertently, we 
will go down in the annals of history as  defenders of our motherland or as 
traitors who unabashedly  volunteered for servitude.

"They have jointly  agitated for international punitive measures against  
Zimbabwe with a view to dislodging the progressive  Government of President 
Mugabe. The ferocity of the  anti-Zimbabwe campaign underscores what is at 
stake â 
our  independence and future as a nation. Evidently this  onslaught is being 
directed from London and Washington," he  said.

Cde Nkomo said Zanu-PF has continuously  reaffirmed its credentials as the 
peopleâs party since  independence. 

It was imperative, Cde Nkomo said,  that as the electorate cast its vote it 
be imbued with a  sense of history and destiny as June 27, 2008 was a direct  
result of April 18, 1980.

Cde Nkomo said it was  travesty of natural justice for those who colonised 
Zimbabwe  and denied its people basic human rights for centuries to  suddenly 
change into champions of democracy. 

"It is  also disheartening to realise that fellow Zimbabweans,  especially 
those who shunned the liberation struggle, are  eager today to serve the 
interests of our sworn  enemies.

"The domestic vote we take for granted today  was earned through the blood, 
sweat and tears of the gallant  sons and daughters of Zimbabwe. Zanu-PF 
Presidential  candidate Cde Mugabe is the embodiment of our arduous  struggle 
for the 
independence and liberty. He is a man of  the moment and future," Cde Nkomo 
said.

The land  reform programme, he said, which democratised property  relations 
in the agricultural sector has brought economic  empowerment to the indigenous 
people and made them masters  of their own destiny. 

"It is no coincidence that the  100 percent Empowerment and Total 
Independence are twin  thrust of our electoral campaign. These underline our  
unflinching 
commitment to social and economic justice.  

"We realise that the essence of governance also  entails the total and full 
empowerment of our citizens. The  economic challenges that we face today can 
only be resolved  with the full participation of our citizenry," Cde Nkomo  
said.

He said Cde Mugabeâs revolutionary zeal and  patriotism had attracted 
attention from those who had  unfettered access to resources and have mobilised 
opposition  both domestically and externally to scuttle the Zanu-PF  
empowerment 
agenda.

"We are all aware of the untold  brutality and pain inflicted by the 
Rhodesian forces at home  and in our liberation camps located in our 
neighbouring  
countries. 

"It never crossed our minds to abandon  the struggle and our people to seek 
sanctuary at foreign  mission. It was a fight we had to fight to finish," Cde  
Nkomo said.

He said Cde Mugabe had stood by his word  and has never shortchanged his 
people for the sake of filthy  lucre. 

Cde Nkomo scoffed at Tsvangiraiâs theatrics  that had seen him dash in and 
out of a foreign mission  saying they reflected on his  character.





omowale clay
 



  




 
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