Re: [NewPacifica] Nader Runs, Obama Responds Wisely



Right, that's why a Nader is needed.
Can't vote for the least evil
 
 
In a message dated 2/26/2008 8:17:37 P.M. Eastern Standard Time,  
rsierra12@xxxxxxxxx writes:

 
 
 
>From Z Net: _http://www.zcommunihttp://www.zhttp://www.zcommhttp:/_ 
(http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/16642)   /R
February 26, 2008 By John Nichols 
Source: The Nation <_http://www.thenatiohttp://www.thttp://www.th&pid=289744_ 
(http://www.thenation.com/blogs/thebeat?bid=1&pid=289744) >

John  Nichols's ZSpace Page
<_http://www.zcommunihttp://www.zhttp://www.zcommht_ 
(http://www.zcommunications.org/zspace/johnnichols) >  

Join ZSpace <_https://www.https://www.<WBRhttps://www.<WBRhttps:_ 
(https://www.zcommunications.org/zsustainers/signup) >  
Ralph Nader is running again for president.

After four previous  bids, mounted in varying forums and with varying goals,
Nader is used to  the slings and arrows that will be tossed his way. He is
conscious and  committed. He will not back off.

He knows how to campaign in the face  of a firestorm of criticism.

Above all, he knows how to make himself  heard -- even when almost everyone
who guides the political processes of  the nation wants to shut him up.

The latter knowledge will serve him  well in a 2008 contest where the man who
is either a national treasure or a  national frustration, or perhaps both,
may find himself more marginalized  than ever before.

Nader is running for the same reason he has run in  the past: Because the
likely nominees of the two major parties do not begin  to meet the standards
that might reasonably be asked of progressive  contenders in 21st- century
America.

Fundamental issues -- Wall  Street-defined globalization, rampant and
frequently deadly corporate  crime, out-of- control military spending and an
imperial foreign policy --  are not going to be addressed in a realistic let
alone definitional manner  by the Democratic nominee (be he Barack Obama or
be she Hillary Clinton) or  by Republican John McCain. And that, says Nader,
will leave millions of  Americans feeling frustrated and disenfranchised.

"You take that  framework of people feeling locked out, shut out,
marginalized and  disrespected,marginalized and  disrespected,<WBR>" he e
same forum  where he announced his 2004 presidential run. "You go from Iraq,
to  Palestine to Israel, from Enron to Wall Street, from Katrina to  the
bumbling of the Bush administration, to the complicity of the Democrats  in
not stopping him on the war, stopping him on the tax  cuts."

Nader's points are all well taken.

And they come from a  man who is quite rational in his awareness that he will
not be sworn in as  president on January 20, 2009.

While Nader has yet to determine whether  he will run as the Green Party
candidate, a Green-backed independent or a  genuinely unaffiliated
independent, he is clear about his  chances.

The arc of history bends toward Obama and the Democrats, not  his candidate,
acknowledges Nader.

After eight years of George Bush  and Dick Cheney, he said, "If the Democrats
can't landslide the Republicans  this year, they ought to just wrap up, close
down, emerge in a different  form. You think the American people are going to
vote for a pro-war John  McCain who almost gives an indication he's the
candidate for perpetual  war?"

Presumably, the Democratic landslide that buries McCain will also  sweep away
various and sundry third-party and independent candidacies,  including
Nader's.

If that is the case, it will not be a new  phenomenon.

Nader has bid for the presidency in different ways in every  election since
1992 -- as a write-in candidate in the New Hampshire and  Massachusetts
primaries of that year, as a Green contender in 1996 and 2000  and as an
independent with support from some of what remained of Ross  Perot's Reform
Party in 2004. His most notable run, in 2000, won 2.7  percent of the
national vote, along with anger from Democrats who thought  he "spoiled"
their chances by tipping Florida -- and the presidency -- from  Al Gore to
George Bush. In fact, Gore won Florida, only to have the results  manipulated
into Bush's column by the Republican nominee's many allies in  state
government, with an assist from the Supreme Court.

In the  intense 2004 competition between Bush and Democratic John Kerry,
Nader's  run won just 0.3 percent on 34 state ballot lines.

This year, Nader  could have a harder time of it even than he did in 2000  or
2004.

Unlike Gore and Kerry, Obama -- now the likely Democratic  nominee -- has
taken savvier stands on a number of issues close to Nader's  heart, such as
trade policy. This is not to say that Obama is as good as  Nader on the
issues. Far from it. But Obama's more nuanced platform, as  well as the
movement character of the Illinois senator's campaign, is  likely to leave
even less space for Nader to deliver a message.

That  said, Nader is a determined, sometimes unrelenting, truth teller.

He  notes that Obama is something less than a pristine progressive.

Obama  may be "the first liberal evangelist in a long time," says Nader, but
the  senator's "better instincts and knowledge have been censored" since he
hit  the nation stage.

"(Obama's) leaned, if anything, toward the  pro-corporate side of
policy-making,policy-making,<WBR>" Nader said of the senator from  Ill
activist also scored Obama on foreign policy, noting  that, "He was
pro-Palestinian when he was in Illinois... Now he's  supporting (right- wing
Israeli policies that thwart progress toward peace  in the Middle East)."

Such blunt statements may not win Nader many  friends among Obama's
enthusiastic backers, and Obama did not exactly  welcome his new rival to the
race. "Ralph Nader deserves enormous credit  for the work he did as a
consumer advocate," Mr. Obama said while  campaigning in Ohio "But his
function as a perennial candidate is not  putting food on the table of
workers."

But Nader's not looking for  Valentines from the Democrats.

Frankly, he's not even all that  interested in popular approval.

The public-interest crusader worries  far less about poll numbers and even
vote totals than about saying what he  feels needs to be said -- and using
the forum of the electoral process to  say it. And he is certainly not the
first progressive -- inside the  Democratic Party or out -- to suggest that
Obama needs to be prodded on  issues ranging from labor law to corporate
regulation to single-payer  health care and Middle East policy.

Nader's greatest value in any race  is -- like Socialist Norman Thomas in his
races against Democratic Franklin  Roosevelt -- as a source of pressure on
the Democratic nominee to address  fundamental questions and perhaps to take
more progressive stands on a few  issues. As in 2000 and 2004, Nader's appeal
will be determined in large  part by the extent to which the Democratic
candidate is willing to be  bold.

Obama seems to understands this. Unlike Gore or Kerry, who never  quite "got"
the point of Nader's runs in 2000 and 2004, the Illinois  senator appears to
recognize that it is pointless to grumble about Ralph  Nader as a "spoiler."
Rather, the point is to be more appealing to  progressive voters who might
consider voting Green or  independent.

"I think the job of the Democratic Party is to be so  compelling that a few
percentage [points] of the vote going to another  candidate is not going to
make any difference," says Obama.

That is  the bottom line with regard to Nader's latest bid.

If Obama runs as a  progressive, Nader will have little room to maneuver. If
Obama runs to the  center, Nader's space will open up -- a bit.
-



 




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